Monday, August 29, 2011

Uganda, South Africa provide another lesson for TFF

A SuperSport programme flighted on Thursday night, August 25th this year (2011), and anchored by Tom Mlambo had very interesting news on soccer development and growth.
Mlambo said the South African based sports channel (SuperSport) had entered into a contract with the South African soccer governing body, SAFA, to flight, live, the country’s premier league to the tune of 200m Euro.
Mlambo said Supersport had also signed a 5m US dollar contact with the Uganda football governing body, FUFA, to flight their premier league, live, for the next five years beginning this year.
The general consensus among sports casters who participated in Mlambo’s SuperSuport programme was that it was time other countries emulated what football governing bodies were doing in South Africa and Uganda by publicizing their respective premier leagues.
For instance, Mlambo argued that much as many soccer fans in Africa followed closely European leagues, it was also time they developed their own local leagues, hence increasing interest at home.
The Supersport casters’ argument makes a lot of sense, especially if one considers the importance of say football both as an entertainment and a source of employment.
In Tanzania, soccer cannot satisfactorily serve as a source of entertainment and employment unless the government, through its ministry responsible for sports, and of course, the Tanzania Football Federation, TFF, emulated what their Ugandan and South African counterparts are doing!
Soccer development and growth in Tanzania will continue to remain nothing but a pipe dream as long as no efforts are made by the government through its local government authorities in providing as many open spaces as possible for soccer and other sports fields in their backyards.
Indeed, for a country as big as Tanzania, it is a shame to have only three presentable stadia (the National Stadium, in Dar es Salaam Amaan Stadium, Zanzibar and CCM Kirumba Stadium, in Mwanza).
In fact, nothing illustrates stadia problem in the country than what happened last week when the government announced the closure of both the National and Uhuru stadia in Dar es Salaam for major repairs.
The government’s decision has forced Dar es Salaam based premier league clubs to look for alternative home grounds, not in Dar es Salaam but in the regions, hence creating a lot of inconveniences for these clubs.
It would be recalled that this problem is not new! We have had this problem almost after every one or two years, whenever the government wanted to carry out renovation work, initially on the Uhuru stadium, before Dar es Salaam had a second stadium added to its sports infrastructure three years ago.
This time around, the problem is happening when Dar es Salaam is teeming with construction of high rise buildings with their developers giving absolutely no regard even to open spaces for gardens where those who would be occupying those new residential blocks could rest!
As this is happening, the city fathers and ministries responsible for sports and lands look the other way without a care in the world!
Now with the foregoing attitudes, how is the government and other spots stakeholders expect to ensure the use of soccer both as a source of entertainment and employment?
As for the TFF, they ought to go further, especially in what they love it best, namely organization of the premier league, by increasing the popularity of the beautiful game among Tanzanians through live coverage by the SuperSport channel which is viewed all over the world.
However, for a start, the TFF should start by improving the premier league through increase of teams in the league. That is one way of making the league more competitive.
Secondly, the TFF should make it mandatory for all premier league clubs to have juvenile teams.
Even if a club is promoted to the premier league, its participation in the league should only be allowed if the club has a well developed juvenile team.
In 1970s, such juvenile teams used to spice premier league matches. Juvenile matches used to be played before the main event on the card, the premier league encounter.
By introducing such juvenile soccer programmes, it would ease national youth coaches’ efforts in keeping close watch on performances of juvenile players whom they could later select for their U-17 national teams.
In fact, Europe’s top flight leagues Tanzania soccer fans are so obsessed about, have partly reached where they are through massive investment they have made in juvenile soccer programmes.
Therefore whatever number of foreign players they have been buying from all over the world, such players have only had one two roles to play, one to strengthen their clubs, but more importantly, to give opportunity to their juvenile players who have been promoted to top flight league to pick a leaf from players from outside Europe.
Therefore if Tanzanians want to get where, say, the British Barclays premier league are, they have no alternative but to do what those who have succeeded have done.

 By Attilio Tagalile

Thursday, August 25, 2011

Police should extinguish own fire!

Over the weekend I wrote an article which was carried by The Citizen on Sunday in which I cautioned our Police Force against politicking.
In that article, I stressed the need for our policemen and women to stick to what they know best, police work, period.
My caution was prompted by a press conference in which officials from the anti-narcotic unit in the police force linked religious institutions in the country to drug trafficking.
Despite my free consultancy to the police force, two days later the police force were at it, this time naming the Catholic Church and Bakwata (The Muslim Council of Tanzania) of being involved in the illicit trade!
Both religious institutions have already issued statements which I had, as a communication expert, long expected, and no one can blame them for the anger they have expressed over the police force’s insensitivity and lack of tactic!
The police is now harvesting for keeping in the force officers who don’t weigh what they want to tell the general public before they blurt out!
As I have already said, I had long expected the emergence of this conflict between religious institutions on one hand and the police, and by extension, the government on the other.
And this is a result of government institutions that have unfortunately refused to stick to professionalism.
In that article, I noted that given Tanzania’s present geo-political changes that has seen the emergence of multiparty politics, it was important the police force stuck to professionalism.
Indeed, it is only by sticking to professionalism that the police force could avoid accusations about siding with this or that side in the political divide.
The latest ugly development is very unfortunate, especially if one takes into account the fact that in the past, the police are known to have appealed to the opposition to weigh carefully whatever they want to tell the public lest their pronouncements led to conflict.
When our police made such appeals, we all supported them for the simple reason that words if not well presented are known to have led to wars between and among nations.
It is important to recall that when President Jakaya Kikwete first linked a section of religious institutions to drug trafficking in his speech he made in Songea during a Catholic Church function, there were immediate responses from both Catholic and Lutheran Churches with a call on the President to name those involved in the illicit trade.
Unfortunately the repeated calls of the two churches to the government to name the culprits and commit them to courts have to date not been heeded.
And it is this kind of conduct on the part of the police force and the government at large that tend to make many people believe that what we are witnessing is aimed at nothing but playing politics, hence the caution!
The million dollar question is those playing these games are doing so at whose behest and for what cost?
It is important for the police force to bear in mind that it is misuse of words, and not weapons that are known to have sent nations to political conflict, and Tanzania is certainly not different from those countries that are presently reeling under civil war.
The founding father of this nation, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere once warned Tanzania against considering themselves different from other failed states like Somalia.
He argued that if Somalia which had one stock of people and one religion could  witness a brother fighting against a brother, what would stop a country like Tanzania with over 120 tribes and many religions to go to war against itself?
Speaking on the same theme, Mwalimu told elders at the Diamond Jubilee Hall in 1980s that religious conflicts were more dangerous than AIDS!
The point is, whether we want it or not, there certain institutions in our midst that ought to be handled with utmost care, and these include religious institutions.
Therefore the best way of handling such institutions was not continued issuance of blanket condemnations to religious institutions, but rather for the police to name names of members of religious institutions they claim to be involved in drug trafficking.
The police have now no alternative to pluck up courage and apologize for their loose tongues and one of the best ways to dealing with the problem is for the police force to name names and now.

By Attilio Tagalile 




Time TFF emulated Egypt's Pharaohs

A small sports news item tucked at the left hand corner of one of the inside pages of one this paper’s (The Citizen) issue may have escaped many readers who bought the Citizen issue of August 22nd this year.
The news item headlined: Egypt to use youthful side for the remaining Afcon qualifiers, noted that Africa’s soccer power-house has, from now onwards, decided to make use of players from its U-20 and U-23 in its on-going senior Afcon qualifications.
Egypt’s decision follows the failure of its senior national soccer team, the Pharaohs, to do well in the tournament after winning back to back the coveted Afcon trophy.
The Pharaoh’s success, especially in the Afcon tournament has been a result of years of development of soccer academies and strong belief in juvenile soccer development.
After getting drunk in success, the Egyptian national soccer management delayed introduction of their youthful players into the national soccer team, hence the glagging of national soccer team’s fortunes.
Egypt’s wake-up call came a few weeks ago when the Pharaohs were held to a goalless draw by their South African counterparts, Bafana Bafana, in their own backyard during an Afcon qualification.
Egypt’s U-20 national soccer team did somewhat well in the just ended U-20 World Cup that saw the Brazilians lifting the trophy, that is by global standards, and so has been its U-23.
What the Egyptians have decided to do should be a major lesson to countries like Tanzania which has peddled around its sub-standard national team for over four years despite its poor performance!
One of the questions that many serious minded fans may be asking themselves is what is stopping the promotion of the bulk of players from Jamhuri Kiwhelo’s side into the senior national soccer team?
The question is if some of the team’s players such as Samata and Ulimwengu are doing well both at home and abroad, what stops their colleagues in the team from being promoted into the senior team?
It is important for the powers that be in the soccer realm in this world to bear in mind that they cannot develop the national soccer team by picking players from all corners and nook in the country.
One of the best methods is to get as many players as possible from the national youth team and allow them to develop together as a team.
And there are many examples of teams in the world that went through this system and did extremely well.
For instance the Senegalese team that became the second team, after the Indomitable Lions (Cameroon) to reach the quarterfinals of the World Cup in 1990 in Italy, saw its players playing together from U-17 upwards to the  national team.
And barely last year, during the 2010 World Cup in South Africa, the bulk of the Ghanaian players who did very well in that tournament had come from the winning U-17 World Cup team.
The same thing can more or less be said about the present Malian and Burkina Fasso teams, they are a product of youth teams, from U-17 upwards.
What is more, they have all been playing together as teams and that makes the players understand one another so well like a club team.
Promoting a youth team to the senior level helps to build not only camaraderie, but the players also get the opportunity of growing together as a team.
Some of us who were around during the days of Young Africans youth team built by Romanian coach (presently a US citizen), Professor Victor Stanculescus, we saw how the coach promoted the team the juvenile side from its U-14 to U-17 and later to the senior team in mid 1970s.
In fact, had the club not been thrown into conflict in 1976 that saw it split into what came to be known as Yanga Kandambili and Yanga Raison before transforming into Pan African, the club could have done wonders in the continental club tournaments!
Why Young Africans are not re-living their wonderful 1970s by reviving its youth teams that remains a conjecture.
And talking about those golden years, one still wonders why to date, the Tanzania Football Federation, TFF, is not making mandatory for premier league clubs to have juvenile teams as one of conditions to remain in the league?
In fact, the TFF could go further than that by giving more space for the promotion by a premier league team of its youths into the team.
The number of foreign players a club can register for both the league and continental tournament could be kept at five, and the number of youth, slightly higher than that, say seven.
Through the foregoing setup, it would be possible for Tanzania to get somewhere, in terms of both soccer growth and development.
But that can only happen if the TFF transforms itself into soccer developer instead of continuing to confine itself into soccer organizer!
But that
 By Attilio Tagalile

Saturday, August 20, 2011

Simba, Young Africans rivalries should go beyound local derbies

After losing by a lone goal to their archrivals, Young Africans in the finals of the CECAFA Kagame Cup tournament a few months ago, Simba Sports Club last week paid their rivals in kind when they beat them by two goals to nil in the Community Shield match played at the National Stadium in Dar es Salaam.
Simba’s victory brought to an end their archrivals’ continued celebrations, hence marking the start of their own celebrations as both clubs prepare for the start of the league season.
It now remains to be seen when Simba’s celebrations would end. However, one thing is clear, it is time the two clubs started thinking beyond their rivalries by working out strategies that would help them win continental clubs tournaments!
After winning all that is supposed to be won in East and Central Africa, Simba and Young Africans managements should seriously start thinking about bringing Champions league and Confederation trophies to trophies to this part of the region.
And one way of doing that is to ensure that both clubs started behaving like professional clubs they are supposed to be otherwise the massive funds their managements have been spending on foreign players would be nothing but a waste!
For a start, it is extremely important that the two clubs’ leaderships started paying their players in accordance with their performance on the field.
A player’s earnings should be commensurate to what he performs on the pitch. It does not make sense paying handsomely a striker who keeps on fluffing scoring opportunities!
Therefore the strength of a striker should be be judged by the number of assists and scores he makes for his club,
The same thing should be applicable for defenders and goalkeepers.
The more they protect their goals from marauding forwards, hence keeping clean sheets, the better would be their salaries and other fringe benefits.
It is only by adhering to professionalism can our clubs in the premier league give the kind of performance that could finally transform Tanzania into a soccer power-house.
It is important that managements of both clubs started reviewing their performance since they were established in 1930s.
It is shameful that after almost 80 years, the only time Tanzania reached the finals of any continental club tournament was at the end of 1993 when Simba lost to Stella Abidjan from the Ivory Coast by two goals to nil in a match played at the Uhuru Stadium in Dar es Salaam!
As for the continental club champions, the only time Tanzania reached the semifinals was at the end of 1974 when the same club, Simba was eliminated by Egypt’s textile team, Mehalla el Kubra in Cairo!
Since then, the story of Tanzania’s participation in continental clubs tournaments have been a story of missed opportunities that has seen both clubs losing in the preliminaries.
Indeed it is time that members and fans from both clubs realized that their rivalries is meaningless as long as it confined to matches between them!
Samba and Young Africans members and fans should from now onwards take their rivalries beyond their clubs and local derbies to continental tournaments.
Yes, they ought to start daring each other to go beyond continental clubs finals by lifting continental silverware!
The other day somebody from the parliament in Dodoma invited Simba to the august House after the club beat their archrivals to win Community Shield.
Such invitations would only make sense if clubs are invited after winning continental clubs trophies and not regional and local trophies!
It is only by confining such invitations to something akin to lifetime achievement that would make Bunge invitations important and not a place for every Tom, Dich and Harry!
And talking about Bunge invitations which is increasingly becoming a vogue nowadays, it is time our Mps became judicious in the use of their august House before they turn it into something else! 

 By Attilio Tagalile

Thursday, August 18, 2011

Tanzania police should keep out of politics!

During a police pass-out function held at the Moshi Police College in 1983, President Julius Nyerere who had officiated as guest of honour, had this to say about the role and place of the police force in the country:
That ‘as guardian of peace and security in Tanzania, the country could not compromise on police recruitment and training much as it had very little resources.’
He said the country’s police force which stood at 30,000 men and women at the time was not adequate for a country the size of Tanzania, especially if one took into account the fact that, that number was at the time London’s police force!
He said but because the country had very little resources to spend on the police force, it was important that it laid accent on the establishment of a small, but highly trained and disciplined force.
A year earlier, in November 1982, the police force under the leadership of Inspector General, Solomon Liani, had invited journalists at the police headquarters in Dar es Salaam to listen to a presentation made by a two-man team from Canadian Police Constabulary who had just completed a three-month study on the effectiveness of the Tanzanian police training.
The tall, well built Canadian police officers said after their study, they discovered that the training set aside for police officers in the country had was such that they could serve in any police force in the Commonwealth.
However, the main problem, they said, lay with members of the police force in the lowest rank whom unfortunately formed the majority of the police force.
They said these men and women who came in direct contact with the people, and in particular, criminals, were not adequately trained and equipped to deal with challenges of the day.
Their advice was that it was now extremely important for the police administration to re-direct training to the majority of its non-officers because these were the people who were crucial in sifting criminals from law-abiding citizens.
Their argument which made a lot of sense was that if the lowest rank of the police force was exposed to the right dose of training, it would reduce considerably, the number of remandees.
Since then, I have personally not heard of any attempt by our police force to engage experts from abroad to review whether or not our present police training is adequate in meeting modern challenges in maintaining peace and security in the country.
Over two decades since the founding father of this nation made such an important speech, the pertinent question Tanzanians, and in particular, members of the police force ought to be asking themselves is whether they have lived up to Mwalimu’s vision over the kind of police force he wanted this country to have.
I have raised the foregoing question following a press conference held in Dar es Salaam on Tuesday, August 16th this year and addressed by the Anti-Drug Unit head, Mr Godfrey Nzowa and other officers from the unit.
While appreciating police work, especially if one considers the difficult condition under which our men and women work, but going through some of the reports carried by the media the impression some of us got from what was discussed in that press conference was very disturbing!
In a nutshell, the police said religious leaders involved in illicit drug business would sooner than later be arrested and committed to our courts of law.
Up to that point, there was nothing wrong in what the police said. However, in my opinion, the police overstepped their mandate when they started moralizing on the issue by telling the public that religious leaders were human being and that erring was human!
If you asked me to categorize the foregoing statement, I would simply tell you that the police abandoned professionalism and embarked on politicking!
One would have expected the police in that press conference to tell the public how many religious leaders had been arrested in connection with drug trafficking and their identities.
And instead, the police more or less repeated what President Jakaya Kikwete had said in Songea when he accused some religious leaders of being involved in drug trafficking!
The police would have greatly helped President Kikwete, currently under pressure from a section of religious leaders to name the culprits and bring them before  the court, if they had used the press conference in doing what they are supposed to do, announce the names of the culprits and how they would be dealt with.
It is important for the police to realize that in our present multiparty setting, they would increasingly be required to be as professional as possible and steer away from temptations to play politics.
I raised the role played by the Canadian Constabulary Police earlier on in order to stress what past Tanzanian police administrations attempts to bring a modicum of professionalism in the force.
It is important for the present administration to ensure that professionalism is maintained by keeping out of politics.
By Attilio Tagalile

Friday, August 12, 2011

How 15,000 EAC retirees lost their terminal benefits

At least 15,000 former Tanzanian employees of institutions that operated under the defunct East African Community, EAC, are yet to be fully paid their terminal benefits over 33 years after the collapse of the Community on February 6, 1977.
The process towards the settlement of retirees’ terminal benefit was started in earnest by the third phase administration of President Benjamin Mkapa who had vowed to ensure that all former employees of the defunct EAC were fully paid their terminal benefits by the time he stepped down from the leadership.
In one of his May Day speeches, President Mkapa said his government would pay the former EAC employees 450bn/- in terminal benefits.
However, when the government finally decided to implement the president’s pledge, for inexplicable reasons, the then Minister for Finance, Mr Basil Mramba told the nation in a press conference he convened in Dar es Salaam that only 50bn/- would be paid out to the former EAC employees.
Mr Mramba could not however, explain to the nation why the government had decided to pay out 50bn/- instead of what the president had pledged, 450bn/-!
Perhaps the worst part about the whole affair was that as Mr Mramba assumed the roles of the government’s chief spokesman and paymaster general, the very man who had told the nation for the first time that his government would honour its obligation to the former employees of the defunct EAC, President Mkapa, elected to keep mum in the whole affair until he stepped down at the end of 2005!
Unfortunately for the former EAC employees they had not heard the last confusing announcement!
For a few weeks later the same controversial minister told the nation that those entitled for the payment were 31,000 employees!
The latest announcement shocked the former EAC employees because if there were any organizations in Tanzania that were second to none when it came to record keeping such organizations included the former EAC institutions.
The institutions record included, among others, employees’ employment dates, when they were promoted and above all, how much each was entitled to in terms of terminal benefit.
According to existing employment record of Tanzanian employees in the defunct EAC, those entitled for terminal benefit were 15,000 and not 31,000!
What had led Mr Mramba and his equally controversial Permanent Secretary, Mr Gray Mgonja to come up with the 31,000 figure is open to conjencture.
Before payment of terminal benefits was effected by the government in 2005, Mr Mramba announced that the government had resolved to increase 67bn/- over and above 50bn/-, hence bringing the total sum to 117bn/-.
What was interesting about the Tanzania government’s 31,000 as opposed to 15,000 was that it had (government) decided to include former employees of what had come to be known as the cargo Handling Services which was not part of the EAC institutions!
And as if that was not enough, there had been reports, during the time of payment of part of the terminal benefits, that some of those paid had never worked for the EAC institutions in their lives!
Again why the government, through the ministry of finance led by Mr Mramba and Mr Mgonja, had decided to bring into the list employees who had never been part of the defunct EAC institutions is difficult to fathom.
The seriousness of the ministry of finance’s decision to double the employees’ figure, lies in the fact that the terminal benefits was a result of deductions 15,000 bona fide Tanzanian employees in the EAC institutions had been subjected to in the course of their services.
The deductions were effected differently, in accordance with one’s salary earnings and were collected by a British company, Crown Agents.
After the collapse of the Community on February 6th 1977, the then East African Authority constituted by the three East African heads of state, President Julius Nyerere of Tanzania, President Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya and General Idi Amin Dada of Uganda appointed a Swiss diplomat, Dr Victor Umbritch to look into how the defunct EAC’s assets could be equally distributed to the three states.
The assets had included, among other things, planes that had been owned by the East African Airways, engines and coaches that had belonged to the East African Railways and other immovable property located in different EAC states.
Finally it was decided, under a commission led by Dr Umbritch, that terminal benefits payable to the former EAC employees would every year gather 7 percent compound interest, meaning that the best way of avoiding such interest was to pay out as soon as possible.
Unfortunately despite the institution of the 7 percent compound interest, the Tanzanian government behaved as if such payment did not exist hence reaching 450bn/- as had been rightly announced by President Mkapa when he first made public his intention of honouring payment of the terminal benefits before he stepped down.
However, unlike Tanzania, its neighbours, Kenyan and Ugandan governments paid, as usual, promptly their former employees of the defunct EAC’s institutions.
Meanwhile in order to ensure that payment of terminal benefits in accordance to what each employee was supposed to, depending on how much one earned in salary, was ignored.
And instead the majority of people whose salary had been somewhat low were paid 2m/- regardless of the number of years they had worked for the EAC’s institutions!
Most of those who were each paid 2m/- were from the additional 15,000 emplouyees from the erstwhile Cargo Handling Services who had not only never worked for the EAC’s institutions, but had during their working tenure never had their salaries deducted for any kind of terminal benefit!
In a nutshell, to the latter group, the 2m/- was nothing but free money!
Roughly, 30bn/- was paid out to a group that was not supposed to be paid anything in the first place, hence robbing the first bona fide group of 15,000 employees of their rightful terminal benefits!
In short, the bona fide group of 15,000 former employees of the defunct EAC’s institutions were, again for reasons best known to Mr Mramba and Mr Mgonja, twice robbed of their rightful terminal benefits.
 Firstly through the inclusion of the additional group of 15,000 employees from Cargo Handling Services and secondly, through the reduction of their terminal benefits from 450bn/- to 117bn/-.

It was after being subjected to such injustices that the former employees decided to seek redress from the country’s law courts where they won the case but two Tanzanian governments, under Presidents Mkapa and now, Jakaya Kikwete, have until now defied court order to pay the employees their terminal benefits in full.
However, there are unconfirmed reports that President Kikwete may finally pay the former EAC employees before the General Election scheduled for October 31st 2010.

 By Attilio Tagalile


How media covered 2010 election campaigns

Media coverage on the run-up to the 2010 General Election marked a complete departure from past coverage both in terms of form and content.
In terms of form, during the run-up to the 2005, candidates vying for the Union presidency, parliamentary and councillorship heavily depended on the media for their election campaigns.
One can therefore rightly say that there was only one major form of the media (print and electronic) through which all candidates depended on for plying their political wares, namely, their election campaigns and their parties’ Election Manifestos.
However, in the run-up to the 2010 General Election, the way candidates conducted their election campaigns changed quite considerably.
Apart from continued use of the mass media, this time candidates transformed themselves into players by opening their own blogs and making full use of social media-Facebook and Twitters.
For instance, two presidential candidates, the CCM Chairman, Mr Jakaya Kikwete and the Chadema Secretary General, Dr Wilibrod Slaa opened their own websites which they used in their election campaigns.
The main motive behind the two presidential candidates’ decision to make use of website was to capture the youth, among the electorate, which according to the Integrated Labour Force Survey (ILFS), 2001, is 65 percent of Tanzania’s labour force.
Therefore websites, blogs, facebook and twitters were new forms of communications resorted to by Tanzania’s election candidates and reflected changes in the conduct of election campaigns.     
In fact, if what transpired in the 2010 general election is anything to go by, political parties would in future be expected to work extremely hard if they want to be taken seriously by the electorate.
And in terms of new communication technology, for the first time in the country’s history, some political parties were able to reach a villager in the remotest part of the country through his mobile phone.
Mobile phones helped, during election campaign to break communication barriers that had hitherto existed between political parties and the electorate.
However, the only drawback, as far as the use of mobile phones is concerned, was in terms of content in which in some messages, the spreading of hate text messages was done.
And if the foregoing is not taken care of by the government in future General Elections, Tanzania is likely to slip into another Kenya or Rwanda.
 For instance, on October 24th 2010, at 14:51:39 hours, the author’s mobile phone was invaded by the following hate text message (sent through mobile phone number +25570781639) which read:
‘CHADEMA have implemented their promise of spilling blood. The day before yesterday, they killed a relative of a Maswa parliamentary candidate. A member of Dr Slaa’s campaign has been arrested in connection with the killing. Let us reject CHADEMA. They are blood thirsty.’
The foregoing message was apparently related to the killing of the driver of the Maswa CCM parliamentary candidate.
A number of arrests were made by the police who widen their net by arresting the Chadema parliamentary candidate, Mr John Shibuda.
However, the former CCM member of parliament in the immediate past parliament was later released after the police found out that he was not, in any way, involved in the incident.
On the eve of the General Election on October 30, 2010, at 22:49:09 hours, the author’s mobile phone was once again invaded by another text message (through handset number +255685621831), which read as follows:
‘Before you cast your vote for Kikwete tomorrow, ask yourself the following questions; is your life better? Have EPA thieves been apprehended? Has he (Kikwete) told you the names of those who have returned EPA loot? What steps has he taken against those who returned the money? If you are an employee, has he told you that he needs your vote? Do you know what the future holds for Kigamboni? Out of the two million promised jobs, have you secured one? Have employees of the defunct East African Community been paid their terminal benefits? Do you know the where-about of the grave of our fellow Tanzanian Daud Balali? And why is JK fearful of debate?
Unlike the first text message which carried dangerous, unsubstantiated allegations, the second one had a completely different tone, directing its questions to well known issues which were somewhat relevant to the election campaign.
Writing on the hateful text messages, a privately owned English daily, The Guardian on Sunday of October 17, 2010 (ISSN 1821-6196 No. 0177) of October 17, 2010 with a front page lead story that read; Revealed: Kingpin behind ‘hateful’ text messages, had this to say:
The hateful text messages were circulated throughout the country from mobile phone numbers registered in Finland.
The paper further wrote that the hateful text messages were part of a smear election campaign carried out by a local information technology (IT) specialist operating on the fifth floor of the Barclays House located in Dar es Salaam city’s business district.
According to the English weekly paper, renowned for investigative pieces, it had taken communication experts from Finland and Tanzania to get the suspect.
However, what is interesting is that to date both the police and the Tanzania Communication Regulatory Authority (TCRA), have said nothing about the suspect!
This is strange because in the same issue in which The Guardian on Sunday had carried a line to the effect that police and TCRA were still investigating those behind the SMS hate messages, it also carried the name and email address of the person it alleged it had zeroed in as a suspect.
It does not therefore make sense for institutions like the police and the TCRA which have both financial and elaborate investigating machinery to lag behind a newspaper in an investigation related criminal act.
In the traditional media, the local media played a stronger role in the run-up to the 2010 General Election compared to the previous elections.
Generally, the local media was divided into three parts, in terms of orientation, in their coverage of election campaigns- namely pro the ruling party, CCM, pro opposition parties and impartial to the proceedings.
In the electronic media, the state owned, Tanzania Broadcasting Corporation (TBC) television stood above the rest, in terms of impartiality, when it afforded all political parties across the board equal access to its small silver screen.
In fact, nothing gave the TBC television kudos more than its exciting and imaginative programme, Mchakato Mjaimboni (election debates).
Unfortunately, in the end the programme led to erroneous public conclusion which will, for a long time to come, continue to trouble the government.
It all happened when the end of the elections culminated in what in the eyes of the general public was ‘forced exit’ of the TBC’s Director General, Mr Tido Mhando.
Although Mr Mhando’s departure was reported to have actually coincided by the expiry of his contract, but the fact that Mr Mhando had maintained mchakato majimboni programme even after the ruling party had directed its candidates against taking part in the debate was linked to it.
During the popular programme, opposition parliamentary candidates had the opportunity to explain to the electorate their parties’ manifestos and what they would do if they were elected.
Other private television stations such as ITV, Star Television, Channel Ten (Dar es Salaam Television-DTV) equally played a major role during the period under review.
Unlike in the 2005 General Elections, opposition parties had no complaint this time around over provision of space in public and private local television channels for their views during election campaigns.
For instance, the opposition Civic United Front (CUF), which had in the past bitterly complained over coverage by the country’s electronic media said apart from the TBC (television and radio), its election campaigns were also well covered by the DTV’s Channel Ten.
However, when all is said and done, probably nothing provided more excitement and an insight into the sorry state of some of the country’s media on the coverage of the 2010 election campaigns than the print media.
Although both the government and the CCM have their own newspapers as represented by The Daily News/Habari Leo and Uhuru/Mzalendo respectively, however, some privately owned newspapers were more inclined, in their reporting, to the government and the ruling party than the latter’s own mouthpieces!
What was more unfortunate was the content of some of the print media which fell short not only of journalistic principles and ethics, but was not different, both in content, from what was published by Rwandan papers, hence leading the country’s genocide in 1994.
For instance, a Kiswahili weekly, Sauti Huru, established over two years ago, issue number 103 of October 06-12, 2010, in its page one lead story headed: Chadema wapanga vurugu, (Chadema are planning chaos) wrote that the opposition party had the following plans:
·         To invade radio stations and announce Dr Slaa as the winner of the Presidential election
·          That Dr Slaa had issued statements which mock the Tanzania Peoples Defence Forces, TPDF.
Reading the foregoing headline and summary of the story, it is indisputable that the Kiswahili weekly wrote very serious allegations against the opposition party and its leadership.
However, what is unfortunate about the story is that going through it one does not find a single credible source and this is certainly very serious given the gravity of the allegations.
Unfortunately, what is raised by the paper against the opposition party and its leadership could easily lead to a conflict between the opposition party on one hand and the government and  the TPDF on the other with dire consequences for the nation.
In another paper’s issue number 105 of October 20-26, 2010, which had the following headline: JK asukiwa hujuma nzito (Plans to sabotage JK underway), the Kiswahili weekly wrote the following:
·         That the objective was to derail Mr Kikwete’s election campaign so that he is not re-elected in 2010
·         Religious institutions and civil society organizations are involved in the sinister plot
·         That names of those involved in the plot are known to the Kiswahili weekly
The lead story was accompanied by a picture of the Executive Secretary of the Tanzania Media Women Association, Tamwa, Ms Ananilea Nkya, the Executive Director of the Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation, (MNF), Mr Joseph Butiku and the Lutheran Church Bishop, Alex Malususa.
The Kiswahili weekly went on to carry the names of two people whom it identified as leaders of the plot.
What was however, very serious about this story was that it had no sources for the story apart from the author of the story claiming, here and there in the text to have been informed by impeccable sources.
And like the story in the first paper, the publication of this story accompanied with the said pictures could easily lead to conflict between President Kikwete and those mentioned by the paper as being behind the sinister plot.
One would have expected that such serious allegations that had a bearing on the country’s security would have seen security organs taking over the issue.
Interestingly, nothing happened and this raises more question than answers especially when one comes across question marks being raised against publications that published stories that could not in any way be compared to the foregoing example!
The Daily News’ otherwise impartial and commendable job was laid to waste through its issue number 10,165 of September 23rd 2010 that had carried an editorial with the heading: Leave Daily News out of that hopeless adventurism, please
In the said editorial, the paper’s Group Managing Editor had sought to distance his paper from claims made by a Kiswahili paper to the effect that The Daily News’  Online pollster had showed Dr Slaa to have overtaken President Kikwete in popularity.
Had the editorial maintained its dispute on the paper’s claim on the pollster, it would not have raised the dust it raised.
However, the problem arose on its conclusion which read:
 “And the truth is that Dr Wilibrod Slaa will not be the fifth President of Tanzania.
The Chadema candidate has a lot of issues to settle beginning at family level, from which he will need to practice leadership upwards.
He will indeed, garner some votes in October, just like Augustine Mrema in 1995, but that will be it, and the media behind the former priest can quote us on that.”
It was unnecessary for the Editor to drag in the name of Chadema’s presidential candidate in the argument because the poor man had nothing to do with what the Kiswahili paper is alleged to have written.
By dragging in Dr Slaa’s name in the editorial in the manner that the Editor did, he unfortunately cast the government paper, which was supposed to be impartial, in a different light, that it was inclined to the ruling party.
It was thus not surprising that immediately The Daily News editorial was published, many people called on the government to force the Editor into resignation or sack him.
Unfortunately for the Daily News, its controversial editorial would not be laid to rest.
For the editorial was once again raised by The Guardian on Sunday issue number 0175 under the headline: NEC on ‘Daily News’ editorial controversy, with a sub-heading that ran: We respond only to formal complaints.
The English weekly quoted the National Election Commission (NEC), Director of Elections, Mr Rajab Kiravu as saying: “Since NEC, government and political parties are signatories to the Election code of conduct my main duty is to enforce the document”.
Mr Kiravu was further quoted by the English weekly as saying that NEC could only take appropriate actions only if a complaint is lodged by the aggrieved parties.
Most of the print media were criticized by critical readers and political analysts for concentrating on the candidates’ personal lives rather than issues.
For instance, one of the often mentioned about personal issues was related to Dr Slaa’s alleged adultery case which a number of private and public print media harped on as election campaigns gathered momentum. 
The Daily News, just like its sister paper, Habari Leo, carried the story four times, three times in September and once in October, 2010.
The first time the Daily News carried the story which was headed: Slaa faces 1bn/- suit over concubine, was in its issue number 10,153 of September 7th 2010.
The concubine story occupied the second lead in the paper’s first page with the first lead also going to the opposition party under the headline: Chadema petition thrown out.
The petition was related to a suit that had been filed by Chadema in the High Court seeking disqualification of President Kikwete on account of violating election timeframe.
And as can be noted from two stories, both of them were negative to the opposition party, coming as they did during the election campaign.
In the story, The Daily News wrote: ‘Mr Aminiel Chediel Mahimbo who claims to be the husband of Ms Josephine Mushumbusi, the woman at the centre of a “marriage” dispute  involving Chadema Union Presidential candidate, Dr Wilibrod Slaa is today expected to file a suit at the High Court demanding 1bn/- compensation from the presidential hopeful’.
The English daily quoted Dr Slaa, in the same story, as saying that the objective of the suit was to derail him (Dr Slaa) from concentrating on the campaign trail and blamed the ruling party (CCM) for what he claimed to be a foul play.
After publication of the first story, the Daily News went on to publish three such stories, two in September and the last one in October.
The second story under the heading: ‘Dr Slaa sued over woman companion’ was published on issue number 10,154 of September 8th 2010; the third story under the heading: ‘Slaa summoned in adultery case’ was published on issue number 1587 of September 18th 2010; and the last story under the headline: ‘Slaa’s adultery case Oct. 15’ was published on issue number 10,174 of October 6th 2010.
What is perhaps interesting about the four Slaa stories was their placement in the paper, in the first page of the Daily News.
The first story to be published, was given the second lead, the second story also took the same spot-second lead. However, the third story was given the first lead and the last story took the second lead.
The other Kiswahili weekly which carried very controversial stories during the period under review was MwanaHalisi.
For instance, in its issue number 212 of October 27th  to November 3rd   2010, with a first page lead story headed: Wizi wa kura huu hapa, (here are vote thefts), the Kiswahili weekly alleged that the ruling party, CCM, had provided the NEC with information technology experts who would help the commission in rigging the election.
The paper said it had contacted one of Chadema’s lawyers, Mr Mabere Marando on the issue and the latter had said he had also heard about the allegation.
However, the paper said efforts to get the NEC Director of Elections, Mr Rajab Kiravu to comment on the issue had failed after he told them he was on his way to Zanzibar and that he would be able to comment on his return on Wednesday.
The million dollar question is why did the paper proceed to publish the story without the comment of the main player in the story, Mr Kiravu, who had not refused to comment but had asked the interview to be postponed to another day?
Given the seriousness of the allegation, it would have been fair for MwanaHalisi editor to shelve the story until he had the response from Mr Kiravu.
In the course of the election campaign, the government through its Registrar of Newspapers issued stern warning over writing and publishing of what it described as inciting articles to four newspapers, one Kiswahili daily, Mwananchi, and three Kiswahili weeklies, MwanaHalisi, Sauti Huru and An-Nuur respectively.
One of the most interesting developments which turned out into another major stain on the country’s journalism was when a number of newspapers agreed to carry CCM’s advertisement in the form of jackets, covering their front and back pages.
The jackets which were in CCM’s green colours along with its logo were emblazoned with words: Elect CCM, Elect Kikwete.
Some of the newspapers which turned down the advertisement because, in its management’s words, conflicted with its editorial policy were newspapers published by Mwananchi Communications Limited, MCL, Mwananchi and The Citizens.
However, the rest bowed in and carried the lucrative advertisement, worth 8m/-), which interestingly, were carried on the day when newspapers in the country were supposed to be carrying the day’s big story, the official launching of Chadema’s election campaigns.
The opposition party’s launch at Jangwani playing field was done on a Saturday, August 28th 2010, and the big story was supposed to have been published on the following day, Sunday 29th 2010.
In an editorialized brief story on the macabre incident, a Kiswahili weekly, Raia Mwema, issue number 149 of September 1-7, 2010 questioned the decision by some newspapers to accept the ruling party’s advertisement in the form of jackets which covered, in the process, their lead stories in their first pages.
Unfortunately, the ‘jackets advertisement’ was not the last incident to be witnessed by Tanzanians.
For in the last week of August, 2010, reporters from a number of media houses wore CCM jackets and baseball caps emblazoned with words: Kikwete Press.
Commenting on the issue, a veteran journalist, Mr Morice Maunya writing for an English investigative weekly, THISDAY of September 6-12, 2010 wondered if such journalists who had identified themselves with the ruling party, through their dressing, would have been able to cover election campaigns of other political parties.
In conclusion, much as the run-up to the 2010 general election was well covered by the media, however, there were also numerous instances that put journalism in disrepute.
There is therefore a dire need on the part of both the Registrar of Newspapers and the Media Council of Tanzania to take deliberate steps in ensuring that both publishers and editors stick to their editorial policies and professional ethics lest the country is thrown into another Rwanda.
For instance, most of the newspapers which have deviated from professional ethics show that their editors are not the same people designated as editors when the newspapers were registered by the Registrar of Newspapers.
More often than not, after registration of the newspapers, people who have hardly trained and practiced as journalist take over as editors.
The Registrar of Newspapers also ought to be blamed for taking selective measures against wayward newspapers.
Experience show that some of the newspapers which should have been closed by the Registrar a long time ago on account of the nature of stories they have been publishing have been treated with a kid’s glove.

ACROYNM:
1.                  Chama cha Mapinduzi-CCM
2.                  Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo-Chadema
3.                  Civic United Front-CUF
4.                  External Payment Arrears Account-EPA
5.                  Dar es Salaam Television-DTV
6.                  Information Technology-IT
7.                  Tanzania Communications Regulatory Authority-TCRA
8.                  Tanzania Broadcasting Corporation-TBC
9.                  Media Council of Tanzania-MCT
10.              Independent Television-ITV
11.              Tanzania Peoples Defence Forces-TPDF
12.              Tanzania Media Women Association-TAMWA
13.               Mwananchi Communications Limited-MCL
14.              Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation-MNF
15.               National Election Commission-NEC



BIBLIOGRAPHY:
(a)               Raia Mwema, (ISSN 1821-6250) issue number 149, of September 1-7, 2010
(b)               The Guardian on Sunday, (ISSN1821-6196), issue number 0175
(c)                The Guardian on Sunday, (ISSN1821-6196), issue number 0176, of October 10th 2010
(d)               The Daily News, (ISSN 0856-3812), issue number 10,165, of September 23. 2010
(e)               The Daily News, (ISSN 0856-3812), issue number 10,153, of September 7th 2010
(f)                 The Daily News, (ISSN 0856-3812, issue number 10,154, of September 8th 2010
(g)               The Daily News, (ISSN 0856-3807), issue number 1587, of September 18th 2010
(h)                The Daily News, (ISSN 0856-3812), issue number 10,174, of October 6th 2010
(i)                 Sauti Huru, (ISSN 1821-6897), issue number105, of October 20th to 26th 2010
(j)                 MwanaHalisi, (ISSN 1821-5432), issue number 212, of October 27th to November 3rd 2010

By Attilio Tagalile